On November 6 1849, John Simon, the newly appointed
Medical Officer of Health (MOH) for the City of London, opened
his first annual report:
Gentlemen, During the 52 weeks dating from October 1st 1848, to September 29th, 1849,
there died of the population of the City of London 3,799 persons.
With this statement Simon was making history. For the first time the health of the
nation's capital would be systematically recorded and published for anyone to see. The
mortality rates of richer areas could be set alongside those of poorer ones; year by
year, these were tied to issues of slum housing, water supply, sewerage and the
uncontrolled activities of a myriad of London trades and industries.
And this was not simply knowledge for knowledge's sake. These problems signalled that
parish-level responses and a laissez-faire government were inadequate when faced with
the challenges of rapid industrialisation. This was the era of Parliamentary reform and
the New Poor Law, a time when elites started being forced to accept that new solutions
were needed to face the realities of an increasingly urbanised landscape.
Seen in this light, the MOH reports are but one part of a far bigger story, one in
which new ways of thinking about the connections between poverty, health and government
emerged. It is in the MOH reports that we can track the move away from contemporary
journalistic descriptions of the poverty and chaos of the ever-expanding London.
Building on the work of the doctor and statistician
William Farr as much as on
Edwin Chadwick's sanitary studies, the reports were a
declaration that infectious diseases and the ill health of the poor might be measured,
understood and brought under control through state intervention. This attitude paved the
way not only for systematic medical investigation, but also for the rise of broad-scale
sociological investigations such as
Charles Booth's surveys of London.
The late 19th century saw the emergence of local government both as a response to the
need to bring Britain's cities under control and as a means of engaging with an
expanding, and unknown, electorate. MOHs - with a remit which very quickly covered
everything from condemning slum housing and prosecuting owners of unsafe or unsanitary
factories to infectious disease control, immunisation and inspection of foodstuffs -
were at the heart of this project.
More than six decades after the
creation of the National Health Service
we perhaps take central control of health services for granted. However, before the
mid-20th century Britain's emerging health system had been entirely based on local
responses to local needs. So, despite the creation of
first the Local Government Board
and then the Ministry of Health
to oversee the work of local authorities, these departments in fact had very little
real power: legislation was permissive, and it was down to persistent MOHs or motivated
councils to use the new powers. The reports often are revealing of the competing agendas
within which MOHs were required to work: we don't just see the mechanical implementation
of central government policy, but rather how local areas and individual MOHs chose to
interpret, enact or indeed ignore new legislation.
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